These are my random musings. Hopefully they will be witty, insightful, and frequently updated.
Comparison and contrast
Published on May 8, 2006 By singrdave In International
INTRODUCTION
Cooperation between states is not only practical but also necessary for mutual ensured survival. Complaints are laid against multinational and nongovernmental organizations, that they maintain the status quo and are hesitant to go in, guns blazing, to affect change within a rogue nation. However, without the levels of social and international understanding and cooperation that exist today, the world would be full of nations ruthlessly attacking one another, waiting for another nation to let its guard down in order to strike. It is the multi-national organizations that keep the despots and conquerors in line. It is the consensus that creates peace, not the solo actor in an anarchic system. It is sensible and crucial that nations cooperate in order to keep the world working.

THE REALIST SCHOOL OF THOUGHT
The realist camp believes that all nations work for their own benefit, for their own gain, without pause regarding their own safety and security. "The central tenet accepted by virtually all realist theorists is that states exist in an anarchic international system" (Mingst 67). This requires states to act to their own advantage, all the time, without fail, otherwise the nation state would be constantly hamstrung by competing outside interests that were not central to the state. Realism "assumes that mankind is not inherently benevolent and kind but self centered and competitive" (Wikipedia, "Realism in International Relations").
States are also rational and goal-oriented. Each nation makes assumptions and guesses as to others' intentions while choosing a path that directly benefits itself. Joseph Grieco summarizes, "Realists assume that states are goal-oriented. Although realists diverge in certain important respects with regard to the primary ends they ascribe to states -- they assume that states have such goals and devise strategies specifically aimed at their achievement" (Doyle and Ikenberry, 165). The realist school of thought... also fundamentally assumes that the international system is anarchic, in the sense that there is no authority above states capable of regulating their interactions; states must arrive at relations with other states on their own, rather than it being dictated to them by some higher controlling entity" (Wikipedia, "Realism in International Relations").
The question of security is paramount to the realist. Without security, the state cannot function. Collective security as defined by the liberal thinkers is an absolutely untenable position, since, by its rational, state-centric nature, each state is looking out for number one. The great classical realist observer, Niccolo Machiavelli, saw that his native Florence had become an amoral dynamic force, buried in its own perpetuation and survival. He saw the Macedonians and the barbarians as threats to the state, among others, and advocated doing whatever was possible against those threats, thus sending the message that the ends justify the means. The state's principal role is to make war, says the realist, since the state must protect its citizens from threats that originate outside its walls. "...[T]he state and the practice of warmaking are entangled in an inextricable and unique relationship" (Keegan 34).
In short, realists deify power: the power to maintain the state, to perpetuate the state, and to push forward the state's interests onto the anarchic international playing field.

THE LIBERAL MINDSET
How does this differ from the liberal worldview, and which is more accurate? Which has better credibility when it comes to the perpetuation of the state?
Liberalism believes that state inclinations, rather than state capabilities, primarily determine the behavior of the state. As opposed to realism, in which the state is perceived as a solo force, plurality of action is the cornerstone of liberalist thought. Varying aspects like economic system, government type, or culture will shape preferences for a state's practices. A state with a dearth of oil, for example, needs to import oil by the billions of barrels a year. It is inclined to kowtow and accede to the price demands of states that have a surplus of oil. Conversely, the state that has plenty does not need to import oil, and will deal differently with oil-producing states than will one who must go, hat in hand, to an OPEC nation for negotiations. Clearly this small example shows that the liberal belief has some merit: not all nations are created equal.
Instead of relying on one's own intrinsic power to ensure security, cooperation for mutual security is a linchpin of liberalist thought. In 1917, Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points envisioned a multinational postwar stage with many players, interacting and working towards a common good. His idealism created the League of Nations, which existed between the World Wars of the 20th century and was the predecessor to the current international forum, the United Nations. The League failed, since "it did not have the political weight, the legal instruments, or the legitimacy to carry out the task" of preventing all future wars and policing the international players (Mingst 36). Throughout the Cold War, the United Nations stood for all nations to have their say in the world forum. The UN's peacekeeping operations have been plentiful, from combat operations in Korea to current nation building in the former Yugoslavia. Following the lead of the multinational force patrolling the Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia-Montenegro regions of the Balkans, the European Union has recently fielded a European Rapid Reactionary Force, commonly dubbed the "EuroArmy", which would be deployed to stem internal civil chaos. (Reid 177) Liberal thought is concerned with collective security, not independent security.
Liberalism believes that "instead of an anarchic international system, there are plenty of opportunities for cooperation and broader notions of power, such as cultural capital" (Wikipedia, "Liberal International Relations Theory"). On cultural capital and other forms of soft power, Joseph Nye posited that soft power truly makes the world go around. "Nye has defined his concept of 'soft power'. The ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion is cultivated through relations with allies, economic assistance and cultural exchanges with other countries, showing that U.S. behavior corresponds with rhetorical support for democracy and human rights and, more generally, maintaining favorable public opinion and credibility abroad" (Spear)

THE FORMATION OF REGIMES
Regimes are an essential part of enforcing mutually agreed-upon policies and agreements. Institutionalists, however, believe that cooperation is not only desirable and achievable, but also necessary. The world inevitably becomes interdependent and relationships must be cooperative; this need to cooperate necessitates the development of institutions and rules. Through the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, anti-land mine activists have affected change on a global scale. First came the policy that land mines were still being laid and they injure fifteen to twenty thousand civilians and non-combatants per year. So the community of states who are involved with landmine planting assembled and formed an international ban on their emplacement and deployment. All existing landmines were to be unearthed and destroyed. The mutually agreed upon set of instructions were carried out and most every nation on earth climbed aboard. This is an example of how nations may act in harmony in order to affect beneficial change.

LIBERAL THOUGHT'S CONVINCING MERITS
The liberal international relations school, as opposed to the realist school, has its merits. The idea that we all have to work together in order to ensure mutual security is wonderful. Though the international community may hold up unilateralist leanings, and therefore be perceived as vacillating or concessionary towards rogue states, proceeding with the blessings of liberal, multinational institutions are definitely more appealing than going it alone. As recent history attests, the Iraq invasion has been very expensive and the nation is still in chaos. Though the U.S. was accompanied by a "coalition of the willing", it was without mandate from the United Nations. In part attributable to the lack of UN help, the invasion has been costly, in both lives and dollars. The convincing aspects of liberal thought are the requirements that all states work together, or at least in consensus, in order to affect change that is mutually beneficial.

THE EUROPEAN MODEL
The relatively recent formation of the European Union is an example of the grand liberal design. These "United States of Europe" banded together to ensure mutual security and economic cooperation. From the adoption of the Euro as mutual currency and the abolition of tariffs throughout the European continent, the EU has been a sterling success. Though some growing pains remain, the European Union is a model of liberal civilization for the world to adopt.

CONCLUSION
The world has need of mutual understanding. The liberal mindset may have shortcomings and failings, but it is only through cooperation and communication that we can abolish war and engender peace.


WORKS CITED

Doyle, Michael W. and G. John Ikenberry, ed. New Thinking in International Relations Theory. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997.

"What's the Problem?" International Campaign to Ban Landmines. Internet: http://www.icbl.org/problem/what, accessed 30 April 2006.

Keegan, John. War and Our World. London, Vintage Books, 1998.

"Liberal International Relations Theory." Wikipedia. Internet: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberal_international_relations_theory, accessed 28 April 2006.

Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince. New York: Signet Classic, 1999.

Mingst, Karen A. Essentials of International Relations, 3rd Edition. New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 2004.

"Realism in International Relations." Wikipedia. Internet: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Realism_in_international_relations, accessed 25 April 2006.

Reid, T. R. The United States of Europe. New York, Penguin Press, 2004.

Schifferes, Steve. "US names 'coalition of the willing'." BBC News, 18 March 2003. Internet: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/2862343.stm, accessed 30 April 2006.

Spear, Joanna. Global Challenges 2015: New Players. Lecture at Anne Arundel Community College, Hanover, MD. 24 April 2006.

"Week Seven: Theories of International Relations." Lecture notes, Norwich University.


Comments
on May 08, 2006
I'll talk about the article after you answer one question:  How much of this did you actually write?
on May 08, 2006
I'll talk about the article after you answer one question:  How much of this did you actually write?
on May 08, 2006
I'll talk about the article after you answer one question: How much of this did you actually write?

Huh? Umm, all of it, unless it's in quotes... I am in a master's program in diplomacy and international relations at Norwich University, so this actually is a scholarly paper. Therefore I'd better have written it all myself.

I can't testify as to the quality of the writing, but as for its originality, I am supremely confident.
on May 09, 2006
I'm not sure about your idea that liberals value "collective security" not "independent security." You are using "collective" to mean all the nation-states of the world, whereas many liberals might view "collective security" to mean the people within a nation state. For example: "collective security," when it comes to a government tapping the phone lines of its citizens might be considered "individual security," in that it, on the surface, applies to individual citizens; however, I would say that it is, in fact, the security of the "collective" that is in question, because that which can be done to one citizen can be done to all.

Indeed, this concept can be applied to nation-states. What can be done to each nation -- in the name of the "individual security" of the powerful -- can be done to any, and therefore the protection of the individual is the protection of the collective. To look at it this way means that the liberal is concerned COMPLETELY with the individual, because the liberal can see that anything done to an individual can be done to the collective.

Indeed, the liberal looks at what the United States, in its current position as #1 power, is doing and forsees a time in which there are other states more powerful than the USA. Not wanting a future, more powerful, state to use bully-tactics or misleading treaties on the USA, the liberal urges a kinder, more understanding tactic -- the king of the hill never remains so, after all.

Indeed, I would say that individual security is the foundation upon which liberal thought is built, whether that be the security of a person or of a nation. You've mistaken imperialism and expansion for "security," and therein lies the flaw of your argument.

Forgive my first question, your citing punctuation led me to believe that the majority of the article was quoted from somewhere else, and I see that wasn't the case.

Cheers.
on May 09, 2006
Collective security as defined by the liberal thinkers is an absolutely untenable position, since, by its rational, state-centric nature, each state is looking out for number one.


I think you're confusing popular perceptions of liberalism with the academic definition here. Liberals choose to engage in collective security pacts because they don't accept that world politics is necessarily a zero-sum game. Basically a liberal would accept a pact where they benefit, but someone else benefits more, despite the problem of comparative gain. A realist would reject it because the disparity in comparative power post-pact would harm the state's longterm interests.

The differences between a modern liberal and a modern realist are much less significant than a study of actors like Wilson would suggest. By suggesting a 1920s liberal as representative of liberal thought I think you're doing liberalism something of an injustice. The ideas have changed a fair amount since then.

If you have access to it I would reccomend you read Nye's original treatise; any collection of contemporary IR thought should contain it. Chapters 7,8 and 9 in John Baylis and Steve Smith's "The Globalization of World Politics" present the main thrusts of realism (ch.7), liberalism (ch.8) and a comparison of the two (ch.9), and I highly recommend that book in general - it is probably the clearest I've had to read.

EDIT: What Myrrander said as well.
on May 09, 2006

I think Cacto and Myrr are confusing your use of the term Liberal. Or I am.  I read the term liberal as a dictionary definition, not a political one.  IN that, the liberal is the more idealist of the 2 (since realist cannot be confused with a political term).  But the world we live in is reality, and I tend to gravitate to the realist point of view, with reservations.  I dont think that a WIN-win has to be rejected by a nation, just because they get the win part.  Indeed, the analogy of oil you give shows that most of the non-OPEC world believe that a WIN-win scenario is acceptable.

But my beliefs are that there are no permanent allies in the world, just nation-states that have a commonality of purpose, and so ban together in the short term to achieve a win-win situation.

on May 09, 2006

Well, the article actually tries to rescue itself from its title, which makes the false dichotomy liberal = opposite of reality.  Of course, the term "liberal" is suspect anyway, because even your dictionary definition isn't complete, Dr. Guy.  "Liberal" in an economic sense is a far cry from the economic philosophy of many US "liberals," and "Liberals" in Canada, the UK, and Europe are quite different from "liberals" in the US. 

Show this to somebody in your English department wherever it is you are in Grad School, they'll help you with the specificity issues here.  Basically, you need to define better the term "liberal."  I spoke from appying the term "liberal" to myself, although it's true that I don't fit in all that well with many US liberals -- I'm too much of a Socialist. 

Anyway, cheers.

on May 09, 2006
I read the term liberal as a dictionary definition, not a political one.

Well, the article actually tries to rescue itself from its title, which makes the false dichotomy liberal = opposite of reality

Liberal is not the tree-hugging hippies and Michael Dukakises of the world. From Wikipedia, "Liberal" is "an ideology, philosophy, and political tradition which holds liberty as the primary political value. Broadly speaking, liberalism seeks a society characterized by freedom of thought for individuals, limitations on power, especially of government and religion, the rule of law, the free exchange of ideas, a market economy that supports private enterprise, and a transparent system of government in which the rights of minorities are guaranteed. In modern society, liberals favour a liberal democracy in the form of either a republic or a constitutional monarchy, with open and fair elections, where all citizens have equal rights by law and an equal opportunity to succeed."

Realist supposes that the state acts for its own benefit on an anarchic world stage. It shuns alliances because compromising your state's principles and guiding motivations (warlike or imperialistic to maintain the perpetuation of the state) is seen as an undermining of your own interests. It is a very self-absorbed school of IR thought, as opposed to liberalism, which embraces other nations' ideas and goals for mutual gain.
Again, from Wikipedia, "Primarily, it assumes that mankind is not inherently benevolent and kind but self centered and competitive, in contrast to other theories of international relations such as liberalism. It also fundamentally assumes that the international system is anarchic, in the sense that there is no authority above states capable of regulating their interactions; states must arrive at relations with other states on their own, rather than it being dictated to them by some higher controlling entity (that is, no true authoritative world government exists). It also assumes that sovereign states, rather than international institutions, non-governmental organizations, or multinational corporations, are the primary actors in international affairs. According to realism, each state is a rational actor that always acts towards its own self-interest, and the primary goal of each state is to ensure its own security. Realism holds that in pursuit of that security, states will attempt to amass resources, and that relations between states are determined by their relative level of power. That level of power is in turn determined by the state's capabilities, both military and economic.

Moreover, Realists believe that states are inherently aggressive (offensive realism), and that territorial expansion is only constrained by opposing power(s). This aggressive build-up, however, leads to a security dilemma where increasing one's own security can bring along greater instability as the opponent(s) builds up its own arms. Thus, security is a zero-sum game where only relative gains can be made."

Sorry that was so wordy, but you can see why the dichotomy is there. Realism and liberalism are mutually exclusive. Liberals are not detached from reality, they simply define the international system as being more open than does the realist.
on May 10, 2006
"Liberal" in an economic sense is a far cry from the economic philosophy of many US "liberals," and "Liberals" in Canada, the UK, and Europe are quite different from "liberals" in the US.

I don't fit in all that well with many US liberals -- I'm too much of a Socialist.

I'm glad that you make that distinction, Myrr. I am currently working on a paper discussing Marxism and I would be glad to hear your take. Does your understanding of dependency theory back up or rewrite Marx?